How to Download Liberty D Font Family for Free - A Stunning and Sharp Font
To install this font for free, please follow the next advice:Before installing the Liberty D font in OS X, you must first completely close all applications. Many programs display new fonts only after restarting.1. Double-click on the font file - a window will open with a font overview.2. To install the font, click the Install button.3. If the font file is in order and the system has not yet installed the same one, the Fonts program will open, in which the new font will be displayed.4. If the font file contains errors or such a font is already installed in the system, the Font Check window will open. Click on the triangle in front of the font name to see the errors. If you still want to install the font - put a tick in front of this font and click on the Set selected button. The Fonts program opens, displaying the new font.
To install Liberty D for Windows, please follow the next advice:1. Unzip the file with the font, if it is archived - right-click it and select "Install" from the context menu. The font will be installed (copied to the "Windows\Fonts" folder and registered in the Windows Registry).2. Click on the font file with the right mouse button, select "View" from the context menu, in the next window click Install.3 click Start > Control Panel > Fonts. In the window that opens, select the File / Add Font menu - in the Add Fonts window, specify the location of the font, click Install.4 Open the WINDOWS > Fonts folder. In the Add Fonts window, specify the location of the font, click Install.Windows Notes: Before downloading, make sure that its source can be trusted. If the File menu is not displayed, press the Alt key. Font files have extensions .fon (Liberty D.fon), .ttf (Liberty D.ttf), .ttc (Liberty D.ttc). When you install a TrueType font, whose name matches the PostScript font installed on this computer, Windows will not be able to distinguish between them, which can lead to a change in the font type. To avoid this, do not install different types of fonts with the same name.Typeface Details:Font Style: Regular
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Mrs. Taylor's assistance in the Political Economy is confined tocertain definite points. The purely scientific part was, we are assured,not learnt from her. "But it was chiefly her influence which gave to thebook that general tone by which it is distinguished from all previousexpositions of political economy that had any pretensions to bescientific, and which has made it so useful in conciliating minds whichthose previous expositions had repelled. This tone consisted chiefly inmaking the proper distinction between the laws of the production ofwealth, which are real laws of Nature, dependent on the properties ofobjects, and the modes of its distribution, which, subject to certainconditions, depend on human will.... I had indeed partially learnt thisview of things from the thoughts awakened in me by the speculations ofSt. Simonians; but it was made a living principle, pervading andanimating the book, by my wife's promptings."[4] The part which isitalicised is noticeable. Here, as elsewhere, Mill thinks out the matterby himself; the concrete form of the thoughts is suggested or promptedby the wife. Apart from this "general tone," Mill tells us that therewas a[Pg xx] specific contribution. "The chapter which has had a greaterinfluence on opinion than all the rest, that on the Probable Future ofthe Labouring Classes, is entirely due to her. In the first draft of thebook that chapter did not exist. She pointed out the need of such achapter, and the extreme imperfection of the book without it; she wasthe cause of my writing it." From this it would appear that she gaveMill that tendency to Socialism which, while it lends a progressivespirit to his speculations on politics, at the same time does notmanifestly accord with his earlier advocacy of peasant proprietorships.Nor, again, is it, on the face of it, consistent with those doctrines ofindividual liberty which, aided by the intellectual companionship of hiswife, he propounded in a later work. The ideal of individual freedom isnot the ideal of Socialism, just as that invocation of governmental aidto which the Socialist resorts is not consistent with the theory oflaisser-faire. Yet Liberty was planned by Mill and his wife inconcert. Perhaps a slight visionariness of speculation was no less theattribute of Mrs. Mill than an absence of rigid logical principles. Bethis as it may, she undoubtedly checked the half-recognised leanings[Pg xxi] ofher husband in the direction of Coleridge and Carlyle. Whether this wasan instance of her steadying influence,[5] or whether it added one moreunassimilated element to Mill's diverse intellectual sustenance, may bewisely left an open question. We cannot, however, be wrong inattributing to her the parentage of one book of Mill, The Subjection ofWomen. It is true that Mill had before learnt that men and women oughtto be equal in legal, political, social, and domestic relations. Thiswas a point on which he had already fallen foul of his father's essay onGovernment. But Mrs. Taylor had actually written on this very point,and the warmth and fervour of Mill's denunciations of women's servitudewere unmistakably caught from his wife's view of the practicaldisabilities entailed by the feminine position.
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The likings and dislikings of society, or of some powerful portion ofit, are thus the main thing which has practically determined the ruleslaid down for general observance, under the penalties[Pg 13] of law oropinion. And in general, those who have been in advance of society inthought and feeling have left this condition of things unassailed inprinciple, however they may have come into conflict with it in some ofits details. They have occupied themselves rather in inquiring whatthings society ought to like or dislike, than in questioning whether itslikings or dislikings should be a law to individuals. They preferredendeavouring to alter the feelings of mankind on the particular pointson which they were themselves heretical, rather than make common causein defence of freedom, with heretics generally. The only case in whichthe higher ground has been taken on principle and maintained withconsistency, by any but an individual here and there, is that ofreligious belief: a case instructive in many ways, and not least so asforming a most striking instance of the fallibility of what is calledthe moral sense: for the odium theologicum, in a sincere bigot, is oneof the most unequivocal cases of moral feeling. Those who first brokethe yoke of what called itself the Universal Church, were in general aslittle willing to permit difference of religious opinion as that churchitself. But when the heat of the conflict was over, without giving acomplete victory to any party, and each church or[Pg 14] sect was reduced tolimit its hopes to retaining possession of the ground it alreadyoccupied; minorities, seeing that they had no chance of becomingmajorities, were under the necessity of pleading to those whom theycould not convert, for permission to differ. It is accordingly on thisbattle-field, almost solely, that the rights of the individual againstsociety have been asserted on broad grounds of principle, and the claimof society to exercise authority over dissentients, openly controverted.The great writers to whom the world owes what religious liberty itpossesses, have mostly asserted freedom of conscience as an indefeasibleright, and denied absolutely that a human being is accountable to othersfor his religious belief. Yet so natural to mankind is intolerance inwhatever they really care about, that religious freedom has hardlyanywhere been practically realised, except where religious indifference,which dislikes to have its peace disturbed by theological quarrels, hasadded its weight to the scale. In the minds of almost all religiouspersons, even in the most tolerant countries, the duty of toleration isadmitted with tacit reserves. One person will bear with dissent inmatters of church government, but not of dogma; another can tolerateeverybody, short of[Pg 15] a Papist or a Unitarian; another, every one whobelieves in revealed religion; a few extend their charity a littlefurther, but stop at the belief in a God and in a future state. Whereverthe sentiment of the majority is still genuine and intense, it is foundto have abated little of its claim to be obeyed.
But there is a sphere of action in which society, as distinguished fromthe individual, has, if any, only an indirect interest; comprehendingall that portion of a person's life and conduct which affects onlyhimself, or if it also affects others, only with their free, voluntary,and undeceived consent and[Pg 22] participation. When I say only himself, Imean directly, and in the first instance: for whatever affects himself,may affect others through himself; and the objection which may begrounded on this contingency, will receive consideration in the sequel.This, then, is the appropriate region of human liberty. It comprises,first, the inward domain of consciousness; demanding liberty ofconscience, in the most comprehensive sense; liberty of thought andfeeling; absolute freedom of opinion and sentiment on all subjects,practical or speculative, scientific, moral, or theological. The libertyof expressing and publishing opinions may seem to fall under a differentprinciple, since it belongs to that part of the conduct of an individualwhich concerns other people; but, being almost of as much importance asthe liberty of thought itself, and resting in great part on the samereasons, is practically inseparable from it. Secondly, the principlerequires liberty of tastes and pursuits; of framing the plan of our lifeto suit our own character; of doing as we like, subject to suchconsequences as may follow: without impediment from ourfellow-creatures, so long as what we do does not harm them, even thoughthey should think our conduct foolish, perverse, or wrong. Thirdly, fromthis liberty of[Pg 23] each individual, follows the liberty, within the samelimits, of combination among individuals; freedom to unite, for anypurpose not involving harm to others: the persons combining beingsupposed to be of full age, and not forced or deceived.